Northern Iraq stablization (kurds)
EXAM SCENARIO:
The JFC and staff develop plans and orders through the application of operational art and operational design. For this scenario, you will assume the role of JFC. Once ready to begin the exam, use the link to obtain your published article identifying the problem and region. You are tasked to provide the strategic plans (operational design/approach) for a military option to address the issues/crisis. Your products must describe how (ways) the joint force will employ its capabilities (means) to achieve the military end state (ends). Clearly state your expected end state (United States national interests as stated in the National Security Strategy; security, prosperity, values and international order). You will have to make some assumptions in order to define the problem and the military options you plan to employ to solve the problem. Be sure to scope the problem and military options in order to keep this entire exercise within five (5) pages. It is highly recommended you review the JP 5-0 before beginning this exam.
EXAM QUESTION:
Given a situation, develop an operational approach using design methodology. More specifically, your answer must address each of the below aspects of operational design.
1. Describe the current operational environment. 15% of paper
2. Define the desired operational environment. 15% of paper
3. Define the problem. 15% of paper
4. Develop an operational approach. 55% of paper use JP-05 and Chapter 12 Model for Northern Iraqi
how (ways) the joint force will employ its capabilities
(means) to achieve the military end state
(ends). Clearly state your expected end state (United States national interests as stated in the National Security Strategy; security, prosperity, values and international order).
EXAM CONTENT:
To support your operational design you may use any source assigned, provided, or introduced in the course to build your operational approach. Ensure each aspect of operational design methodology is present in your answer (figures and cognitive maps as found in JP 5-0 are appropriate for this assignment) and your analysis flows logically from one aspect to the next. You must document all your sources to avoid any possibility of plagiarism.
The article will identify a region/country and issues to be addressed. The student will have to make assumptions in order to define the issues at hand as well as the military action to address them. Clearly state your assumptions and the problem you will be solving.
Turkey and the Dream of Ottoman Revival; The Middle East isnt returning to an era of Ottomanenforced
peace and stabilityno matter how badly Ankara wants it
Author: Fradkin, Hillel; Lewis, Libby
Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu recently visited Diyarbakir, the most important Kurdish city
in Turkeys troubled Southeast. As the post-World War I political structure of the Middle East buckles, Kurdish
separatist ambitions have become an increasingly important issue, not just for Turkey, but for Syria and Iraq as
well.
Mr. Davutoglus solution to the Kurdish problem is to turn the clock back 100 years, to the time before World
War I when the Ottoman Empire held sway. Yet the minister is less likely to see a new era of Turkish-enforced
regional stability than something much less pleasing to his taste.
Speaking at Dicle University in Diyarbakir on March 15, Mr. Davutoglu called the past century a parenthesis: a
departure from the authentic political order to which Kurds, Turkey and the Middle East will soon return. His talk,
titled The Great Restoration: Our New Political Understanding from the Very Old to Globalization, was colored deeply by the neo-Ottomanism that both he and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan champion.
The departure, Mr. Davutoglu said, began with the mold that Sykes-Picot drew up for us, referring to the agreement between the British and French governments in 1916 that ended centuries of Ottoman domination of the Middle East. With the Sykes-Picot agreement and the League of Nations mandates, Mr. Davutoglu proclaimed, foreign hands had imposed a political order alien to Middle Eastern traditions, one of emergent states based on nationalist ideology.
Mr. Davutoglu said this era is finally and happily coming to an end. We are now in a new era of restoration, he proclaimed. The real issue is actually rebuilding the mentality that we have lost.
In this view, the unifying force of Islam will heal longstanding domestic and international divides. This, coupled with Sunni Turkeys political, economic and military strength, will lead to Turkey being restored as the natural,dominating leader of the region. A new political understanding, Mr. Davutoglu said in Diyarbakir, will restore the ancient unity that connects not only Turks and Kurds, but also Albanians, Bosnians and Arabs.
The foreign minister correctly underscores three important developments affecting todays Middle East. First, that the Western-inspired, nationalist ideologies adopted in the wake of Sykes-Picot are waning. In the states created as a result of the agreementIraq, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanonnationalist ideologies are giving way to ideologies of Islamist inspiration.
This is also the case in Egypt and Turkey, whose modern forms also date from the end of the First World War.
Its true as well, of course, in Iran, which since 1979 has shed Western tutelage for an Islamist ideology, albeit one of a Shiite variety.
Second, that certain political aspects of todays Middle East could come to resemble those from before World War I. Syria, Iraq and Lebanon may eventually shatter into smaller states or quasi-states, resembling provinces and districts of the Ottoman Empire. This will reflect and encourage the more local attachments characteristic of that era.
Third, that the dominant role of outside powers is ending. All Middle Easterners are convincedsome with pleasure, others with regretthat America is a fading force in the Muslim world. The U.S. may yet be invoked to pressure Israelis, but Middle Easterners know of Americas economic woes and its leaders distaste for confronting Muslims.
These three developments wont, however, restore the ancient unity that Mr. Davutoglu so romantically invokes. Much more likely is an era of Middle Eastern disunity and disorder.
The unity of the 18th and 19th centuries, such as it was, derived from Ottoman power, both Caliphate and Empire. Contemporary Turkey cannot fill that role. Ankaras frustrations in the Syrian civil war show that.
Worse still, Turkey has a rival in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is aided at times by Turkeys ancient foe Russia. Prime Minister Erdogan initially sought a virtual alliance with Iran based on common Islamist orientations and distaste for the West. But that proved fanciful. The new Islamist enthusiasm has heightened religious sensibilities, stoking ancient rivalries of Sunnis and Shiites. A profound and violent fault line runs through the region.
Indeed, the Middle East may soon most resemble the ancient disunity of the 16th and 17th centuries, when Ottoman Sunnism contended with Iranian Safavid Shiism. That time around, the Ottomans prevailed.
This time, a nuclear Iran may dominate. Today Sunni Islamism is divided into powerful and potentially rivalrous camps. Arab Salafists and their Muslim Brotherhood cousins vie with the Turks for control. And meanwhile, Kurds, so long abused by Ankara, may in two decades outnumber Turks in Turkey. They may have their own state in Iraq sooner than that.
Ironically, order and peace in Mr. Davutoglus new era may still depend on the restraining hand of outside assistanceand the natural partner remains the U.S. Turks have relearned an ancient lesson recently: that it is unwise to rely on the tender mercies of Russia or the staying power of Europeans. China and India may seek economic advantage, but they have yet to invest in establishing a Middle Eastern order. Both countries, moreover, have their own Muslim problems.
Will America resume a strong Middle East presence willingly? Or will it see itself as forced into the role? To know that, we must ask when Washingtons current foreign-policy parenthesis will endand whether it will end painfully or well.
Mr. Fradkin is director of the Center on the Muslim World at the Hudson Institute, of which Mr. Libby is senior vice president.
Credit: By Hillel Fradkin and Lewis LibbyNeed aProfessionalWriter to Work on this Paper and Give you a 100 % Original Paper?